Legal and Regulatory Framework Essay Example for Free

Legal and Regulatory Framework Essay There are many acts that exist to prevent discrimination, laws that protect age, sex, race, and religion. These acts are there to stop direct discrimination; when someone is treated less favourably than another. The company John Lewis is mostly affected by the Sex Discrimination Act 1975/97; to help stop judgement because of sex. They are affected by this act because of stereotypes; such as technological jobs that are expected to be done by a male, so when the company searches for an applicant they would mainly focus on males, making females have a lower chance of getting the job. This can also be related to an ethical issue, which is to never put the same gender in an interview panel, which is never done so that a person cannot be picked because of their sex. The company deals with this by looking carefully at each candidate, and may also consider leaving out the gender section, to not be stereotypical when choosing the right candidate. The Equal Pay Act 1970 would also affect this company just as it affects any other companies; it would force the company to pay its employees equally, ignoring gender. The company handles this by properly giving each employee their pay without considering gender to be an issue. The National Minimum Wage makes the company pay the minimum amount set by the government to their employees, this act would make the company suffer when it is in a difficult situation and they need money by decreasing the amount needed to pay to employees who are needed in the business. The company would deal to this law by making sure that the budget is enough and to see if they can get rid of an employee if the potential candidate seems better. The Race Relations Act 1992 stops discrimination on race, nationality, ethnic origin or national origin. One example that could happen is not involving a race when advertising the position, which would harm the candidates, and which will lead to harm to the business. The company would deal with this by making sure that no one is missed, and that not a particular race is picked for a job and given more of an advantage than another. The Disability Discrimination Act 1995 2005 helps make a disable person get treated fairly when being interviewed; this act would affect the business because it they would have to pay equipment for the disabled, such as a wheelchair to help make the employee feel comfortable and not judged. Employment Acts 2002 and 2008, and the Work and Families Act 2006, covers maternity and paternity leave and pay, flexible working hours for carers of adults, as well as improved communication between employers and employees during maternity and paternity leave. This would affect the business because they would need new employees to cover the leave, as well as an extra pay for the new employee and the one leaving. The European Working Time Directive introduces the maximum working week of 48 hours over a certain number of weeks, as well as restriction on the length of nightshifts, rest periods and annual leave. This would affect the business because they won’t be able to employ someone longer to complete the job, which would lead to time loss. The company would deal with this by spreading the time between different employees equally. Ethics is what is expected to be done, and there are many ethics that are expected to be followed by a business when recruiting, one of them is to always ask the same questions in an interview, one simple reason to do this is to be fair to all of the candidates, but the main reason is compare them equally, as well as knowing what is needed to be known from all of them, which would help the business know the right candidate that would help the business. Another thing that a business is expected to do is to not make the interviewees related to the candidates, and the main reason to do that is to never make the results bias, an example of that is a candidate being chosen because he/she is related to the owner of the business. This would increase the chance of other candidates to be chosen who might have potential in the business. One other thing that the business is expected to do is to always make a promotion available, to help increase the motivation of the employees so that the job can be done, and to also helps make all the employees have the same opportunities, which would in return make the number of candidates  increase, making the chance of them having the right employee higher. Firing someone when it needs to be done is also something that the business is expected to do, as it will make the candidates aware that the business deals with a problem when they report them, and it would also be beneficial to the business at it would stop people from causing trouble or stealing form the business.

SUCCESSFUL AFRICAN AMERICAN BUSINESS OWNER :: essays research papers

SUCCESSFUL AFRICAN AMERICAN BUSINESS OWNER DAVID STEWARD CEO & FOUNDER, WORLD WIDE TECHNOLOGY David Steward grew up in a Christian home in a small town of Clinton, Missouri. As a teen, he lived through the racially tense ‘60s, attending segregated schools, sitting in the balcony of the movies, and being barred from the public swimming pool. David doesn’t harbor any negative feelings about having to endure those days, especially since his mother warned him against becoming bitter and resentful. He literally lived on the other side of the railroad tracks, but learned that division doesn’t work. Though his family had few material possessions, David believes he inherited considerable wealth from his parents because they taught him what was important: treating people right. David recalled homeless people stopping by the house. â€Å"No one was ever turned away,† he said. â€Å"I saw faith in action.† David also remembers his mother giving her lat dollar to the church. He knew that it was seed to be sown with the expectation of a harvest. These principles of sowing and reaping have stayed with him his entire life. David always had a lifelong dream of owning his own business. It was a burning desire inside of him. After college, he spent ten years in sales for three Fortune 500 companies. As the senior accountant for a major corporation, David was awarded Salesman of the Year and was made a member of the company’s hall of fame. They presented an ice bucket with his initials engraved inside. David looked inside the bucket and realized that it was empty. This was a defining moment; he asked himself is this what he really wants out of life. At the time, David and his family were living paycheck to paycheck, but David had complete faith in God. It was clear in his mind that his belief in God, coupled with the desire to work hard to serve others, meant he was destined to succeed. After many years and five failed companies, he finally figured out the secret to success, ‘treat people right.’ He launched Transport Administrative Services in 1987. The company’s purpose was to provide online automated transportation audit services to seven major rail carriers. He later decided to diversify his business interest by capitalizing the start-up of World Wide Technology (WWT) in 1990 on a shoestring budget and 7 employees. He wanted to be part of one the greatest revolutions that ever hit history, the information stage.

Anti-Colonialism and Education Essay

In Anti-Colonialism and Education: The Politics of Resistance, George J. Sefa Dei and Arlo Kempf have given us a stimulating intellectual account of the issues surrounding the active attempt for educational liberation. The authors who have contributed to the volume have been well chosen to present creative approaches to this abiding problem in most of the world. As we engage the legacies of colonialism we are more certain today that the nonmaterial legacies are as important in our thinking as the material ones when we engage questions of resistance and recovery. The colonizer did not only seize land, but also minds. If colonialism’s in? uence had been merely the control of land that would have required only one form of resistance, but when information is also colonized, it is essential that the resistance must interrogate issues related to education, information and intellectual transformations. Colonialism seeks to impose the will of one people on another and to use the resources of the imposed people for the bene? t of the imposer. Nothing is sacred in such a system as it powers its way toward the extinction of the wills of the imposed upon with one objective in mind: the ultimate subjection of the will to resist. An effective system of colonialism reduces the imposed upon to a shell of a human who is incapable of thinking in a subjective way of his or her own interest. In everything the person becomes like the imposer; thus in desires, wishes, visions, purposes, styles, structures, values, and especially the values of education, the person operates against his or her own interest. Colonialism does not engender creativity; it sti? es it, suppresses it under the cloak of assistance when in fact it is creating conditions that make it impossible for humans to effectively resist. And yet there has always been resistance and there are new methods of resistance gaining ground each day. The intricacies of engaging colonialism are as numerous as the ways colonialism has impacted upon the world. Indeed, the political-economic, socialbehavioral, and cultural-aesthetic legacies of the colonizing process have left human beings with a variety of ways to confront the impact of those legacies. What we see in Anti-Colonialism and Education is a profound attempt to capture for the reader the possibilities inherent in educational transformation through the politics of resistance. Professors Dei and Kempf have exercised a judicious imagination in selecting the authors for the chapters in this book. Each author is an expert in the area of the topic, skilled in presentation of the facts based upon current theories, and articulate in the expression of a need for educators to understand the pressures ix FOREWORD both for and against colonialism. However, they all take the position that it is necessary to explore all formulations that might achieve a liberated sphere of education. Since education normally follows the dominant political lines in a country where you have colonial political principles you will ? nd colonial education. If you have the vestiges of past colonial practices, you will see those practices re? ected in the educational system. I remember a colleague from Algeria saying to me that when the French ruled the country the students learned that their ancestors were the Gauls. When independence came to Algeria, he said, the people were taught that their ancestors were Arabs. The fact that this was only true for those individuals who had Arab origins, and thirty percent did not have such ancestry, was uninteresting to the political agenda. And so it has been in every nation where you have a political intention to mold a country on the basis of domination you will also have resistance. One seems to go with the other regardless to how long the process seems to take to commence. This is not just an exciting work intellectually; it is a beautiful book edited with intelligence and executed with the kind of research and scholarship that will bring us back to its pages many times. Each author seems to feel the same desire to teach us to be truly human; that is enough for us to inaugurate our own anti-colonialism campaign in our schools and colleges. I shall gladly join the fray to make the world better. Mole? Kete Asante Elkins Park, PA 19027 USA x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This book could not have been completed without the political interest and will of the many people who shared their knowledge in this joint undertaking. While the task of re-visioning schooling and education for the contemporary learner and teacher may be daunting at times, we believe strongly that it is by no means insurmountable. In fact, we have a wealth of knowledge with which to help transform education into a process and practice that serves the needs of the collective. We hope this book will contribute to the debate and discussion of how to address not only the imperialization of knowledge but also the various forms of intellectual colonization that mask themselves as everyday academic truth and valid knowledge. George Dei would like to thank the students of his graduate level course, SES 3914S: â€Å"Anti-Colonial Thought and Pedagogical Challenges† in the fall of 2004 whose insights and discussions helped propel the vision for this collection. Arlo Kempf would like to thank Lola Douglas, Meghan Mckee and Randy Kempf for their support and loveliness. He would also like to thank George Dei and the contributors for their ideas and hard work over the duration of this project. We both owe a great deal of intellectual depth to our colleagues, peers and friends who constantly challenge us to think more deeply and avoid academic closure. It is in the actions and resistance of the people that theory is born and takes life – to all who struggle against colonialism without the privilege of a pen in hand, we thank and salute you. Our academic objective for the book was also shaped by a desire to let our community politics inform intellectual pursuits at all times. We want to thank Geoff Rytell, who initially helped proofread sections of the book, as well as Cheryl Williams for her ongoing support. Finally we say â€Å"thank you† to Joe Kincheloe, Shirley Steinberg and Peter de Liefde who made this book a reality. George Dei Arlo Kempf xi GEORGE J. SEFA DEI INTRODUCTION: MAPPING THE TERRAIN – TOWARDS A NEW POLITICS OF RESISTANCE INTRODUCTION I begin this chapter with a question germane as to why and how we articulate anticolonial thought. Informed by Steven Biko’s (1978) earlier work, I ask: â€Å"Why is it necessary for us as colonized peoples to think and re? ect collectively about a problem not of our creation i. e. , the problem of colonialism? † This question is central since colonialism has not ended and we see around us today various examples of colonial and neo-colonial relations produced within our schools, colleges, universities, homes, families, workplaces and other institutional settings. It is often said that globalization is the new word for imperialism. History and context are crucial for anti-colonial undertakings. Understanding our collective past is signi? cant for pursuing political resistance. Haunani-Kay Trask (1991) writes about the importance of the past to Indigenous peoples as a way to challenge the dominant’s call to amputate the past and its histories. For the people of Hawaiia, Trask notes that â€Å"we do not need, nor do we want [to be] liberated from our past because it is source of our understanding . . . [We] . . . stand ? rmly in the present, with [our] back to the future, and [our] eyes ? xed upon the past, seeking historical answers for present-day dilemmas† (p. 164). In order to understand the knowledge and resistance of the past as it relates to contemporary politics of resistance, one has to know and learn about this past. As noted elsewhere (Dei, 2000, p. 11), for colonized peoples decolonization involves a reclamation of the past, previously excluded in the history of the colonial and colonized nations. They must identify the colonial historical period from the perspectives of their places and their peoples. Knowledge of the past is also relevant in so far as we as people must use that knowledge â€Å"responsibly†. But our situatedness as knowledge producers and how we perform â€Å"the gaze† on subjects, at times accord power and privilege to some bodies and not others. Therefore, an anti-colonial struggle must identify and de? ne a political project and show its connections to the academic engagement. Franz Fanon and Karl Marx have both cautioned us that â€Å"what matters is not to know the world but to change it†. This assertion calls for a recognition of the multiple points/places of responsibility and accountability. For example, what does it mean to talk of accountability as far as identity and subjectivity, however complex? It may well mean taking the stance that in political work for change, certain issues are not negotiable. In other words, we need to see there are limits and possibilities of â€Å"negotiating† in anti-colonial struggles and politics. As Howard (2004) asks: How much can be G. J. S. Dei and A. Kempf (eds. ), Anti-Colonialism and Education: The Politics of Resistance, 1–23.  © 2006. Sense Publishers. All rights reserved. DEI accomplished if we decide to â€Å"negotiate† around domination or oppression? Are we negotiating as part of a democratic exercise? Rabaka (2003) has argued that â€Å"one of the most important tasks of a critical anti-colonial theory . . . is to capture and critique the continuities and discontinuities of the colonial and neocolonial in order to make sense of our currently . . . colonized life and . . . worlds† (p. 7). Therefore as we begin to ? esh out anti-colonial theory and practice, it is ? tting to ask some critical questions (see also Butler, 2002): Is there still a colonized South? What about a colonized North? Do we think of neo-colonialism/colonialism/post-colonialism as bridges, as new articulations, or as a continuation with no marked differentiation? What is â€Å"post† about/in the â€Å"post-colonial†? Is the theoretical distinction between neo-colonialism and colonialism spurious at best? What are the purposes and underlying intentions of making such distinctions? What are the convergences and the divergences in post-colonial and anti-colonial thoughts? Does â€Å"neo† in neo-colonial mean â€Å"new†, or â€Å"transformed†? What is neo-colonialism? What are its antecedents and its marked practices? What are the mechanisms and institutions that constitute neo-colonialism? Why do we speak of neo-colonialism and not anti-colonialism? Are the structures, practices and ideas which enable colonialism really that different from those of neo-colonialism? Are the differences between neo-colonialism and colonialism more than theoretical? Whose interests are advanced in speaking of neo-colonialism/post-colonialism? What are the [dis]junctures and [dis]continuities between colonialism and neo-colonialism? How do discursive forces and material aspects interact to further our understanding of colonial? How do we speak of power, coercion, subjectivity, agency and resistance in anti-colonial discursive practice? What are the relations between neo-colonialism and White supremacy? The book does not presume to offer full answers to all these questions. But it is hoped the discussions that follow offer some entry points into a new politics of engagement towards the formulation of a critical anti-colonial lens. The power of the anti-colonial prism lies in its offering of new philosophical insights to challenge Eurocentric discourses, in order to pave the way for Southern/indigenous intellectual and political emancipation. In this discussion, anti-colonial is de? ned as an approach to theorizing colonial and re-colonial relations and the implications of imperial structures on the processes of knowledge production and validation, the understanding of indigeneity, and the pursuit of agency, resistance and subjective politics (see also Dei and Asgharzadeh, 2001). Colonialism, read as imposition and domination, did not end with the return of political sovereignty to colonized peoples or nation states. Colonialism is not dead. Indeed, colonialism and re-colonizing projects today manifest themselves in variegated ways (e. g. the different ways knowledges get produced and receive validation within schools, the particular experiences of students that get counted as [in]valid and the identities that receive recognition and response from school authorities. The anti-colonial prism theorizes the nature and extent of social domination and particularly the multiple places that power, and the relations of power, work to establish dominant-subordinate connections. This prism also scrutinizes 2 INTRODUCTION and deconstructs dominant discourses and epistemologies, while raising questions of and about its own practice. It highlights and analyzes contexts, and explores alternatives to colonial relations. Loomba (1998) sees colonialism as signifying â€Å"territorial ownership† of a place/space by an imperial power, while imperialism on the other hand is the governing ideology for such occupation. Anti-colonial thought works with these two themes/projects – colonialism and imperialism as never ending. The colonial in anti-colonial however, invokes much more. It refers to anything imposed and dominating rather than that which is simply foreign and alien. Colonialism reinforces exclusive notions of belonging, difference and superiority (Principe, 2004). It pursues a politics of domination which informs and constructs dominant images of both the colonizer and the colonized (Memmi, 1969). Colonialism is not simply complicit in how we come to know ourselves and its politics. It also establishes sustainable hierarchies and systems of power. Colonial images continually uphold the colonizers’ sense of reason, authority and control. It scripts and violates the colonized as the violent â€Å"other†, while, in contrast, the colonizer is pitted as an innocent, benevolent and [imperial] saviour (see also Principe, 2004). This historical relationship of the colonizer and colonized continues to inform contemporary subject identity formation and knowledge production. It shapes and informs identities by recreating colonial ideologies and mythologies (Tuhiwai-Smith, 1999). In theorizing the anti-colonial discursive framework, I would highlight some key salient points. All knowledge can be located in the particular social contexts from which it emerges. Such location shapes the ways of knowing and understanding the social and political relations at play in constructing social realities. The anti-colonial prism takes the position that all knowledges are socially situated and politically contested. The anti-colonial discourse is situated in colonial relations of power that are contested through resistant practices against domination and oppression. In working with resistant knowledges, the liberating in? uence of critical anti-colonial discourse becomes clear. The anti-colonial discourse works with the idea of the epistemological power of the colonized subjects. The colonial knowing is situated and informed within particular social contexts (see also Harding, 1996). Such â€Å"situated knowledges† (hooks, 1991; Collins, 1990) also point to the importance of subjectivity, positionality, location and history. In this regard, the anti-colonial referent is to the epistemologies about, and of, marginalized, colonized subjects. Particular and different interests are served by knowledge systems, and the anti-colonial aim is to subvert dominant thinking that re-inscribes colonial and colonizing relations. The ability and strength of the anti-colonial prism to draw upon different discursive traditions to explain social and political phenomena is an important strength for multiple knowings. But anti-colonial thought, while borrowing from other theoretical frameworks, is not constrained by dominant epistemologies. It calls for a critical awareness of the social relations and power issues embedded in the ways of organizing the production, interrogation, validation and dissemination of knowledge in order to challenge social oppression and 3 DEI consequently subvert domination. It also calls for acknowledging accountability and power. Since the burden of oppression is not shared equally among groups, and that even among the oppressed we are not all affected the same way (see also Larbalestier, 1990), we must all be able to address questions of accountability and responsibility of knowledge. It is within such a context that one must evaluate the politics of anti-colonial thought, in its call for a radical transformation of the analytical and conceptual frames of reference, used both in the academy and in mainstream public discourse so that the minoritized, subjugated voice, experience and history can be powerfully evoked, acknowledged and responded to. Unless we are able to articulate the grounds on which we share a dialogue and challenge the power relations of knowledge production, we will be shirking the responsibility of acting on our knowledge. The academic project of anti-colonial thinking and practice is to challenge and resist Eurocentric theorizing of the colonial encounter. Such Eurocentric theorizing is best captured in representations of minoritized/colonized bodies and their knowledges, and through the power of colonial imageries. The anticolonial critique also deals with interrogations of colonial representations and imaginaries examining processes and representations of legitimacy and degeneracy through the mutually constitutive relations of power. Colonialisms were/are practised differently; they differ in their representations and consequently have myriad in? uences, impacts and implications for different communities. Colonial practices can be refracted around race, gender, class, age, disability, culture and nation as sites of difference. In many ways the â€Å"anti-colonial thought† is the emergence of a new political, cultural and intellectual movement re? ecting the values and aspirations of colonized and resisting peoples/subjects. The Western academy cannot continue to deny the intellectual agency of colonized peoples. As resisting subjects, we will all have to confront and deal with the historic inferiorization of colonial subjects, and the devaluation of rich histories and cultures. What is required is critical educational praxis that is anchored in anti-colonial thought to challenge and subvert the â€Å"Western cultural and capital overkill†, and shed the insulting idea that others know and understand us [as colonized subjects] better than we understand ourselves (see also Prah, 1997, pp. 19–23). Colonized peoples require an anti-colonial prism that is useful in helping to disabuse our minds of the lies and falsehoods told about our peoples, our pasts and our histories (see also Rodney, 1982). We need to present anti-colonial discourse as a way to challenge Eurocentric culture as the tacit norm everyone references and on which so many of us cast our gaze (Kincheloe and Steinberg, 1998, p. 11). This approach to anti-colonial discursive thought and practice is also informed by the academic and political project calling for knowledge that colonised groups can use to ? nd authentic and viable solutions to our own problems. In this struggle we can point to some positive developments. For example everywhere today, we (as colonized peoples) are reclaiming and reinvigorating our marginalised, and in some cases, lost voices and are speaking for ourselves. Within educational academies in North America and in the South, there 4

Reptiles Coloring Book 10 Different Pages

Solonik Alexander the Great Essay - 1821 Words

Alexander Viktorovich Solonik, also known as Alexander the Great, Sasha the Macedonian, and The Super killer; was a Russian hit man in the 1990s who carried out hits for the Orekhovskaya group as well as other criminal associations. His primary targets were the leaders of other criminal organizations, he later ended up forming his own syndicate after moving his operations to Greece, he was on Russia’s most wanted list for many years, and is suspected of possibly faking his own death. Alexander showed strong psychopathic tendencies as well as traits of anti personality disorder. Alexander was born in Kurgan, Russia in the year 1960 and grew up with an obsession over martial arts and firearms. Not much is known about Solonik’s childhood†¦show more content†¦This is when Alexander Solonik’s life changed, after fleeing from Kurgan Solonik made it all the way to the Siberian city of Tyumen where he was arrested while having cosmetic surgery done to remove any distinguishing marks such as a mole on his face and a crown like tattoo on his hand. Now usually when a former police officer is arrested he is sent to a special colony so that he is protected from the other inmates, Alexander however was sent to a regular one, and shortly after entering it he was found out to be a former police officer, around a dozen inmates confronted Solonik looking to test him, and after a long and grueling fight Solonik while badly injured came out on top. After that the prisoners left him alone, but Solonik’s time in the colony was still in isolation h e did not do drugs, or get tattooed, and the only thing he really liked to do was workout. Eventually the aloof Solonik was sent to the industrial area of the prison, which was less heavily guarded, and used that opportunity and escaped again through a small vent shaft during April of 1990. He then vanished without a trace for more than four years, and only reappeared during the bloody massacre on Moscow Petrovsky market place. Where it then became known that he was a member of the notorious

Compare at least four poems from the ones you have...

Compare at least four poems from the ones you have studied where a strong dislike for another person is shown. Write about My Last Duches a poem from Duffy, one form Armitage and another from the pre 1914 poetry bank. My Last Duchess was written by Robert Browning and published in 1842. It is based on a real person. Alfonso, Duke of Ferrara (1537-1597), married fourteen year-old Lucrezia de Medici in 1158 when he was twenty one. Three years later she was killed, possibly poisoned. The Duke then arranged to marry the daughter of the count of Tyrol. As was customary at the time, the marriage arrangements were arranged between the Duke and a go between. ‘My Last Duchess’ is a poem in which the appearance of the poem is†¦show more content†¦Although we assume from the poem that the Duke murdered the Duchess the Duke never says unambiguously or openly that he killed his wife or even got anyone else to do it for him. However there are points throughout the poem that indicate the Duchess annoyed the Duke. He thinks that the Duchess should be more dignified and not so easily impressed. Specifically he faults her for finding equal pleasure in four things as if they are not at all of equal value. * The white mule that she rode * The Sun setting * A gift of fruit from an unnamed courtier The Duke emphasises in lines 31-33 that it was good for her to show gratitude, but bad that she considered ‘anybody’s gift’ with his gift of giving her his family name which is nine hundred years old. Frequently we find that the lines contain ellipsis, which helps to develop the poem how Browning wants, so that we come to our own conclusion of exactly why and how the Duchess was murdered. However Browning places the Ellipses, and develops the poem so well that the conclusion is almost exactly the same for every reader of his poetry. The Laboratory, like my Last Duchess comes fro the 1842 collection. It has a similar subject- a person who is about to kill her rival in the presence of her lover who appears to be romantically connected to the speaker in some way. It is in the form of a dramatic monologue, and again like the Last Duchess is being addressed to a silentShow MoreRelated The Flea by John Donne and To His Coy Mistress by Andrew Marvell6621 Words   |  27 Pagestypical of that period in time apt to kill me and yea which are taken from the flea. Both poems also speak of virginity being very important, especially before marriage because if a woman had lost her maidenhead before, the husband would have the right to leave her without the need for a divorce. Both poems have the same theme of seduction. In The flea this is put across in each in three regular stanzas where as To His Coy Mistress is written in to sections. 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What are some ways you plan to avoid excessive TTT in your classroom when you are a ESL/EFL teacher? Provide specific strategies and examples. â€Å"Why is TTT noted first among the potential problems to look out for in the list in Section 1.2C?† Section 1.2 introduces the simple notion that, as Native English Speakers, we are accustomed to using the language—our students, on the

Automated Vehicles and its Safety Concerns Ronald R Mourant

Question: Discuss about theAutomated Vehicles and its Safety Concerns Ronald R Mourant. Answer: Talal-al-Shihabi and Ronald R Mourant In this article, the authors have done a research on human like driving behavior model. The framework of the model consists of a Perception unit, Emotions unit, Decision making unit and Decision implementation unit. All these units are interconnected. The Perception unit perceives the environment with the help of input data which is processed with fuzzy variables which assigns degree of truth values to the data and responds accordingly. The Emotions unit responds emotionally and plays an important role in defining the driving task as a reflective one. The Decision making unit investigates a state to find an action by looking through all possible options. The Decision implementation unit tries to implement the decisions by interfacing with Dynamic model. The separation between decision making and implementation comes from the fact that real drivers do not normally implement decisions as they make. The deployment of autonomous vehicles with human like driving characteristics would make make the driving more realistic and less predictable. The important parameters like steering factor, reaction time factor and alertness factor should be determined appropriately to avoid accidents. Fuzzy variables provide better depiction of human behavior and is used extensively in modeling each units. The four units help in building concrete human-like driver behavior models which depicts variation with same class but different driving behavior like aggressive, conservative and drunk drivers. Reference 2: Kathryn Seargeant (2017) The author of this article talks about Risk management issues and concerns related to autonomous vehicles. Factors considered are of cyber security, shift in liability and issue of control. Self driving cars requires smart road with build-in sensors and cameras involving extensive communication networks that would be vulnerable to cyber attack. The vehicles can be used as tools to track and study personal driving habits which maybe used by hackers backing for ransoms. Cyber-liability policies should assist with protection of such information. Cases of shift in liabilities is where owners distraction or negligence is ignored to that of automotive functionalities like navigation, electronics, camera etc. National Highway Traffic Safety Administration report on fatal accident of Model S of Tesla reads that some situations are extraordinary and beyond the autopilot system capabilities which requires full driver engagement at all times. The author pens down some of the benefits of autonom ous vehicles such as reduced emissions, fuel consumptions and fatal accidents at the same time points out challenges such as security vulnerabilities and liability shifts which should be noted to mitigate the risks associated with owning autonomous vehicles. Reference 3: Mitchell Cunningham, Michael A Regan The authors in this article describes the human factor challenges associated with transition from manually driven to self driven vehicles. National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) distinguishes five different levels of vehicle automation. Level 4 is of self driving automation where vehicle performs all functions and monitors roadway conditions. Human factor issues associated with self-driving vehicles are Driver inattention and distraction, Reduction in situational awareness, Over-reliance and trust, Skill degradation and Motion skickness. This leads to reduced vigilance which may pose problems for drivers when manual intervention during critical failures is required. Human factor research needs to be in areas of (HMI) Human machine interface and Driver state Assessment (DSA) technology which helps in keeping the driver involved in driving task and monitors drivers alertness in real time. NHTSA stresses the need to educate drivers to resume control the car in the event where it cannot operate automatically. The vehicles may become confused by unexpected events reminds the fact that this technology is not completely safe and reliable. Assignment 1: Part B (Abstract) Abstract: This case study gives an overview of driverless vehicle which is about to make in large fleets in near future. The advantages of self-driven cars can be seen as in reduction of emissions, fuel consumption and fatal accidents. But as the car is human centric so key decision making power should be left with human which may arise in situations like sensory degradation of self-driven cars in poor weather conditions leading to inability of on-board computer algorithms to make safe decisions. The use of HMI maintains situational awareness of the driver and also reduces his passive fatigue and thus the driver is always kept in loop. HMI signals with visual-auditory effects are found to be more efficient which helps in safer re-engagement. Legal liability policies in case of accidents and cyber security in cases of hacking also needs to be given its due importance. Diversity and personalisation of automated systems with respect to its driver also needs to be notified to maintain the emotiona l levels of the driver. Driver State Assessment technology should be properly researched. It is initially a costly affair for the state as it is required to provide smart roads with cameras and sensors in build which directly communicates with the vehicle. As self-driven cars seems to be the future so all the concerned parties i.e State, car company and the owners must be in loop during decision making process. Reference List Talal Al-Shihabi and Ronald R Mourant. A framework for Modeling Human-like Driving behaviours for Autonomous Vehicles in Driving simulators. https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/ca37/cc15863662191250b382c637017472a7db7c.pdf Kathryn Sergeant. (2017). Autonomous Vehicles: Risk Management Issues and Concerns. https://www.lockton.com/whitepapers/Sergeant_Autonomous_Cars_Feb_2017-LR.pdf Mitchell Cunningham and Michael A. Regan. Autonomous Vehicles: Human Factors Issues and Future Research. https://acrs.org.au/files/papers/arsc/2015/CunninghamM%20033%20Autonomous%20vehicles.pdf